神道の起源Shinto Origins Revealed

The foundation upon which Buddhism became established in Japan involves two critical factors, namely Soga no Umako (蘇我馬子) and the concept of divine retribution (祟り), and as suggested in yesterday’s article, these two factors deeply influenced the promotion and entrenchment of Buddhism, subsequently shaping Japanese history. Conversely, had these two factors not existed, Buddhism might not have taken root in Japan to the extent that it did (at least this is my personal viewpoint). Additionally, when a serious conflict arose in the Yamato region (southern Nara Prefecture) regarding the acceptance of Buddhism, it is important to note that this area originally had a considerable population of naturalized clans of continental origin, as well as new immigrants, who provided significant momentum for relatively smooth acceptance of continental religions.

From this perspective, I believe the initial acceptance of Buddhism in Japan was not simply because native Japanese people sensed a promising new religious future in Buddhism; rather, it was primarily due to the political maneuvering of the Soga clan (蘇我氏), who strategically involved influential immigrants of continental origin already gaining power through political struggles. An essential point that needs consideration here is whether a religion known as Shinto (神道) existed in Japan before Buddhism’s introduction or during the turbulent period of its transmission. Personally, I argue that Shinto did not exist as a distinct religion at that time; rather, the introduction of Buddhism—a continental religion characterized by strong doctrine and regulations—compelled a departure from the existing religious practices rooted in daily life. Consequently, this created the first necessity to actively religionize Shinto as a counterbalance to Buddhism.

In other words, the very concept of Shinto as a distinct religious idea did not exist at the time. This is evident even today in the numerous discussions debating whether Shinto should be classified as a religion. Personally, I view that Shinto inevitably came under pressure to adopt religious characteristics with the rise of the Soga clan during the Buddhist transmission period, and subsequently, over several centuries, transformed through its complex relationship with Buddhism, ultimately becoming a religion. Indeed, from this viewpoint, the first clear instance of successful “religionization” of Shinto can only be observed in the State Shinto (国家神道, also known as Shrine Shinto, 神社神道) of the Meiji era, meaning that this phenomenon is comparatively recent.

This topic is extremely challenging to analyze, but considering that the term “Shinto” is typically written as “神道,” meaning “the way of the kami / Kami no Michi” (神の道), and recognizing that I perceive Shinto’s essential characteristic as “actual practices within daily life equating to faith,” I personally believe the archetype of Shinto’s religiosity dates far back before Buddhism’s transmission and was strongly influenced by ancient Chinese Taoism (道教), which was also introduced by continental immigrants. Taoism itself fundamentally focuses on “actual practices within daily life as faith,” resisting systematized doctrines like Confucianism (儒教). I feel this Taoist characteristic is crucial yet largely overlooked when considering the roots of Shinto.

As is clear from the Chinese characters “道教,” the concept of the Tao, or the Way (道) originates from ancient Chinese philosopher Laozi (老子), spreading further through thinkers like Zhuangzi (荘子). However, Taoism does not preach systematic doctrines at a national level; rather, it fundamentally emphasizes “place.” In essence, Taoism teaches living the “Way / Tao / Michi” within one’s immediate environment. Such Taoist characteristics are highly inconvenient for rulers aiming for unified governance. Historically, China underwent numerous cycles of dynastic rises and falls, repeatedly establishing new political systems, making it an extremely challenging environment for Taoism to truly flourish.

Consequently, Confucianism became the favored philosophy of governance. Although I do not claim particular expertise in Chinese history, Japanese history typically exhibits a tendency to later incorporate Chinese historical insights into its political philosophy, allowing us to grasp a general overview through Japanese perspectives. Reflecting from this angle, I personally believe it was very difficult for Taoism to firmly take root in China. Instead, when ancient Chinese tribes influenced by Taoism migrated to the Japanese archipelago, they likely felt deeply impressed by the abundance of “unreligionized places.” This becomes self-evident when investigating ancient Japan, as traces of Taoist ideas like the Philosophy of Three Sacred Mountains (三山思想) and the Immortal Beliefs (神仙思想) repeatedly come to mind.

Generally, these Immortal Beliefs (神仙思想) are considered a form of primitive religion that spread around China’s Shandong Peninsula (山東半島) around the 3rd century BCE, and it is essential to acknowledge that the Shandong Peninsula was one of the major routes for migration to the Japanese archipelago at that time. Indeed, the primary ancient migration route to Japan was through the southern Korean Peninsula, but alternative paths, such as via the Shandong and Liaodong Peninsulas, also existed. Conventional Japanese historiography has historically emphasized only the route through the southern Korean Peninsula; however, through my personal research, I have recognized historical dynamics that cannot be explained solely by this route. Recently, attention has gradually started to turn toward other migration paths besides the southern Korean Peninsula.

Notably, within these Immortal Beliefs, there exists the legendary mountain known as Mount Horai (蓬莱山), said to be located “in the Eastern Sea (東方の海上).” It was none other than Qin Shi Huang (秦の始皇帝), the first emperor who unified China, who historically undertook a genuine search for this legend. Qin Shi Huang issued an imperial order to his retainer Xu Fu (徐福) to seek the elixir of immortality said to exist on Mount Horai, and Xu Fu departed for the “Eastern Sea” with an expedition consisting of as many as 3,000 people. This is not merely a legend, as Xu Fu’s villages have been discovered in China, and numerous regions in Japan also preserve local traditions stating that Xu Fu arrived and settled there.

If we assume that Xu Fu was born around 255 BCE and lived a reasonably long life, it becomes highly plausible that Taoist thought reached Japan via groups led by him around the 3rd century BCE. Given that the Qin Dynasty (秦朝) is believed to have lasted approximately from 221 BCE to 206 BCE, it is likely that during this period, around 3,000 people with roots in Qin migrated to Japan. In fact, as I have investigated this legend in multiple regions, I believe these 3,000 individuals did not arrive together in one area; instead, they likely dispersed due to storms and other maritime challenges while traveling in around 100 boats, each carrying about 30 people. The most prominent regions where they may have landed include Shingu City (新宮市) in southern Wakayama Prefecture and Iwami (石見) in western Shimane Prefecture.

What is particularly crucial here is the brief lifespan of the Qin Dynasty. The reason I trace the origins of Japanese Shinto back to Qin is precisely due to the dynasty’s distinctive policy of “burning books and burying scholars” (焚書坑儒), essentially involving the destruction of books and the persecution of Confucian scholars. To put it simply, it was a repression aimed at Confucianism, a philosophy evolving into a system based on reverence for written texts and systematic rules. From another viewpoint, Qin authorities swiftly recognized Confucianism as showing signs of systematization and moved immediately to eliminate it. This anti-systemic character is also evident later when Buddhism—another highly systematized faith involving scriptures, statues, and temples—arrived in China from India and faced similar resistance.

The Qin Dynasty eventually collapsed in 206 BCE, ushering in the subsequent Han Dynasty (漢王朝) era, a transition that strongly suggests that people previously protected under Qin rule lost their place, triggering mass migrations in search of new homelands. Considering this, a more intriguing interpretation emerges regarding the legend of Xu Fu’s expedition of 3,000 people migrating to Japan. Rather than viewing it merely as an imperial mission ordered by Qin Shi Huang, it becomes plausible to see it as a quest by those displaced by Qin’s collapse who sought the Taoist utopia already deeply influential in their consciousness. Thus, they journeyed across the sea from the Shandong Peninsula toward “Mount Horai = the Japanese archipelago,” believed to be located “in the Eastern Sea.”

Indeed, Xu Fu’s ancestors are said to have descended from King Yan (偃王) of the Xu state (徐国), which once ruled parts of Shandong, Jiangsu, and Anhui provinces during China’s Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods. Moreover, since the Qin Dynasty controlled the Shandong Peninsula, the possibility that these groups sailed directly from this peninsula to Japan must be considered.

Thus, the abrupt internal collapse of Qin led to widespread displacement, with some refugees, possibly led by Xu Fu, sailing to Japan in search of new territories. While today the Japanese archipelago is widely recognized as a vast series of islands, ancient Japan was also perceived as rugged mountains rising steeply from the sea, literally a mountainous landscape. The Xu Fu legend was first recorded around 91 BCE by Sima Qian (司馬遷) during the Former Han Dynasty in China’s earliest historical compilation. This was approximately 115 years after Qin’s fall, and given Qin’s extensive book-burning policies, Sima Qian was compelled to piece together available writings and oral traditions of his time. Consequently, most detailed records from Qin had likely already vanished.

Therefore, I believe the Xu Fu legend may have been reshaped later as an imperial directive from Qin Shi Huang out of consideration for Qin descendants who remained scattered around. In reality, after Qin’s collapse, some refugees likely sailed from the Shandong Peninsula in roughly 100 ships, seeking the utopian promise of new territory—the Japanese archipelago—and upon arrival, began to shape their new communities based on Taoist principles, in lands yet untouched by Confucian influences.

The indigenous spiritual sensibility toward the “Yaoyorozu (八百万神)” in ancient Japan, now identified with Shinto’s essential nature, was highly compatible with this Taoist perspective. The character nurtured during Japan’s Jomon and Yayoi periods subsequently evolved under Taoist influence, entering a new phase. Cultivating the Qin-era spirit of “anti-literacy” and “anti-systemization,” this era potentially marked the beginnings of ancient Japanese governance. A confrontation was to come between this way of governing and the force, later shaping the Kofun period, that sought large systems and order.

Hence, a critical element in the origin of Japan’s “systematized” Shinto lies with refugees from Qin—originally based around Xi’an in Shaanxi Province—who moved first toward the Shandong Peninsula and then crossed the sea to the Japanese archipelago. This historical migration is profoundly connected with ancient Chinese political upheavals.

While these thoughts remain merely my current hypothesis, in continuing research throughout Japan, I have repeatedly encountered intriguing instances suggesting a common underlying foundation for Shinto and Taoism at the deepest historical layers. The anti-Confucian essence of Qin-era Taoist thought can also be interpreted as “anti-systemization,” fostering in the rhythm of daily life a resilient cultural attitude opposing the highly systematized Confucianism and later Buddhism.

Although such analysis is not mainstream, I personally believe it provides a crucial key to unraveling Shinto’s origins, and I wanted to share at least a small part of these ideas here.