陰陽師の系譜：暦を統べた静かな覇権The Lineage of the Onmyoji: Those Who Governed the Calendar

Onmyoji [陰陽師]. Because they appear in novels, films, anime, and other content, the name is familiar in Japan, yet almost nothing is known of what they actually were or through what lineage they emerged. And the question of whether the cultural inheritance the Onmyoji left behind still dwells in Japan today is one of the things that most draws my curiosity.

The word Onmyoji first calls to mind a special class of technicians operating in the unseen world. The abilities ascribed to the image of the Onmyoji are diverse, but activity staged in the unseen world is the premise. They manipulate the gods, see through the forms of demons, drive people to death through curses, inflict calamity, or conversely avert it. These were the duties assigned to them, and for more than a thousand years they permeated the core of Japan's structures of power.

In other words, when we turn to the historical influence of the Onmyoji, we can say that the cultural inheritance or spiritual inheritance they left has still not vanished from Japan. It has merely been covered over within us. The keyword for understanding them lies in the curse, but the curse is not negative in meaning and must be seen from many angles.

In speaking of the Onmyoji, the most famous in history is a single sorcerer named Abe no Seimei (921–1005). Famous enough that every Japanese person knows his name, Abe no Seimei is still enshrined today at the Seimei Shrine built in a corner of Kyoto. Yet the image generally told as Abe no Seimei was idealized by later ages. Around the eleventh and twelfth centuries when Abe no Seimei died, the "ideal Onmyoji" that the people inside Heian-kyo at the time pictured was syncretized under the name of this man of immense influence, and the image took form. The outline of the Onmyoji in historical fact and the image of the Onmyoji conveyed through Abe no Seimei as continually retold content carry a decisive divergence. The point is not to be misled here.

Personally, the Onmyoji who actually operated are far more interesting than the Abe no Seimei told as story. They were rare people who cut deep into the core of the court and religion and the worlds of nobles, royalty, monks, shrine priests, and commoners, and yet went on existing quietly. Such people are rare even historically and have no parallel. What is told as the image of the Onmyoji is sorcery, but the true ground on which they held quiet hegemony for centuries does not lie there. Then what exactly was the wellspring that let the Onmyoji go on operating in the open and behind the scenes? It was the calendar.

Let us begin here by changing how we think about the calendar. The present calendar has standardized the cycle of a seven day week with Sunday as the fixed day of rest. Three reasons mainly account for why this calendar took hold. Christianity and Islam, both strongly influenced by Judaism, expanded explosively as world religions. The seven day span was convenient for managing workers in a world where capitalism had taken hold. And the seven day period sat well with the lunar calendar based on the waxing and waning of the moon. These three reasons spread together with the expansion of modern industrial society. We must not forget that behind this lies a history in which the calendars indigenous to each region were destroyed. The key to achieving modernization in fact lies in destroying the calendar used until then.

In other words, if an intense negation of modernization were to arise from each country and people, the most effective method would be first of all to return the calendar to what it was before the new calendar. In Japan, for instance, the present calendar is called the new calendar and what was used before it the old calendar. Considering that Japan received no influence from Judaism, Christianity, or Islam, discarding the new calendar connects to a movement of recovering sovereignty after modernity. But there is an interesting episode.

Back in 2011, as shifts in the climate began to change greatly, the Japan Weather Association set up a preparatory committee aiming to create new twenty-four solar terms suited to the climate of modern Japan and solicited opinions from the public. Around the autumn of 2012 it announced the "Twenty-four Solar Terms of the Twenty-first Century" and showed its intent to establish them. Then a certain organization pushed back fiercely. That was the industrial world.

Industry argued that it would confuse the sense of season cultivated until now and applied intense pressure on the government and others. As a result the plan was abruptly canceled. Industry speaks of a sense of season, but in essence this is worker management. Its disturbance is inconvenient for them, and so the logic is that no matter how the climate fluctuates, they will not permit any alteration of the new calendar adopted since the Meiji period.

But the present calendar is a dry and tedious thing. After all, we human beings were not born to be managed as workers, and there is no reason to be bound to a calendar on such a premise. If it were religiously or devotionally reasonable that would be one thing, but outside of that there should be no need to obey. Building on this point, the original calendar is a conversion of the "time" surrounding us into the visual. In the ancient China that greatly influenced the Japanese calendar, the calendar recorded the past and was at the same time a tool for predicting the future, and this character makes the calendar familiar and commonplace while at once making it a profound and difficult presence.

Just as the modern calendar standardized along the lines described above, there has always existed a world line in which "the one who holds the calendar grasps the world." Perhaps what humanity must turn its eyes to is "who holds the calendar." Remote work and the like took hold out of the pandemic, for example, yet the framework of the calendar as "worker management" itself has not changed at all. In every era the calendar carries a character reflecting the self display of those who rule, and because it holds this character, the particular group able to manipulate the calendar can hold power. In the case of Japan, that was the Onmyoji.

The work of the Onmyoji lay in making a calendar suited to the age and judging the daily fortune and the directional taboos. As a result, as technicians who managed "time," they could go on sitting inside Japan's structure of power for more than a thousand years. Yet why the Onmyoji could enter the core of power, how their influence persisted so quietly, and what flowed from there into the substratum of the present are never spoken of. So let us first turn to their origins.

As a fundamental premise, the source of the Japanese Onmyoji lies in China. In China too there were people called School of Yin-Yang [陰陽家], and the duties they carried closely resemble those of the Japanese Onmyoji. The reason is plain. Onmyodo [陰陽道] is the art of the Onmyoji and a way later born uniquely in Japan, and its essence has its origin in a distinctive Chinese technique that encompassed everything from the mathematics of "number" to magic. Yet the Chinese School of Yin-Yang did not simply cross over and become the Japanese Onmyoji. An interesting history lies hidden here.

The important point is that the Onmyoji as a class of technicians did not arrive from China. The wisdom held by the Chinese School of Yin-Yang was transmitted to Japan in fragments and in succession, and the Japanese Onmyoji were born independently through a final integration and elevation. Because of this, surprising as it may be, the first carriers who brought the divination, calendrical methods, and sorcery attached to the Onmyoji into Japan were the monks attached to the Buddhism that arrived in the sixth century. At first glance the Onmyoji and monks seem to bear no correlation, but in Japan the two were in fact bound together at a deep level.

At the temples for propagating the newly arrived Buddhism, observances such as the Buddha's birth ceremony and the nirvana ceremony had to be held on particular days and their hours fixed. This precision did not exist in earlier Japan, and the era of judging by the movement of the sun and the waxing and waning of the moon was greatly updated. But here the first problem arises. Historically, the East Asian calendar was a Chinese led lunisolar calendar, and its calculation was not as simple as the present Western solar calendar.

Unlike a unified state such as China where a web of power already ran across the whole land, early Buddhist Japan had not realized governance to that extent. As recorded in the Kojiki and the Nihon Shoki compiled in the first half of the eighth century, the court holding the emperor of the time had partially subjugated and allied with other countries, but most were not under its rule, and the range its influence reached was limited.

And so however much the court based mainly in Yamato (the south central area of present day Nara Prefecture) tried to spread the influence of Buddhism, the calendar did not circulate across the whole country. Even when it tried to hold Buddhist observances nationally on the same day, naturally that could not be realized. From these circumstances arose the need for the temple monks to calculate the calendar themselves, and what they adopted here was the water clock invented in China and called the rokoku [漏刻]. By building this rokoku, the monks carried out a provisional means of announcing the time.

Beyond the matter of expanding propagation, the monks also had to treat the sick with medicine and sorcery when illness appeared, chant sutras to remove disaster, and predict national crises through astrology. In a Japan that had no connection to Buddhism, this was an indispensable stage for a foreign religion to penetrate. The royalty, nobles, and clans of the court, and the commoners besides, had no need to go out of their way to take refuge in a foreign religious organization without practical benefit. The benefits that mattered in particular to those who ruled were the stable expansion of their reign, the prevention of internal revolt, and the absorption of the not yet subjugated countries under their own rule.

Whether or not they could meet this demand. The key to Buddhism taking root in Japan lay here, and because trial and error had already been repeated on the Chinese side, problems of this kind were steadily solved. Personally, I consider that the greatest reason the Christianity preached by the missionaries who poured into Japan one after another in the Age of Discovery did not take root lies here.

Many monks who sensed these circumstances of the court took on even what was not originally a monk's work and were pressed by the need to acquire the advanced techniques flowing in from the Chinese side. But they had a strength. It was their command of the kanji that were precious at the time, for the sake of reading scripture, and the concept of number they had acquired by way of China.

The knowledge of the early Onmyoji was "quiet" and tends to be overlooked. Behind this lie two things. First, "letters" and "calculation" were a form of power only a few specialists could handle. Second, monks living inside Buddhism carried the role of the early Onmyoji, and this peculiarity too kept them from view. But this quiet era of the Onmyoji shook greatly, and an opportunity for them to rise all at once was born. The key man was Emperor Tenmu.

Having won the 672 civil war over the right of imperial succession and acceded as the fortieth emperor (r. 673–686), Emperor Tenmu advanced the building of a centralized ritsuryo [律令] state modeled on the civilized Tang. And in fact Emperor Tenmu himself was an Onmyoji. Before his accession he sensed the omens of the civil war himself, took holy orders, and secluded himself for ascetic training in the mountains of Yoshino in Nara Prefecture. This was not because he had abandoned the imperial succession. It was because he understood that the reigning Emperor Tenji (Tenmu's elder brother) lay ill and that his death was near. Emperor Tenmu carried out the camouflage of "taking holy orders" in order to launch a war over the succession the moment Emperor Tenji died. Planning the timing of war from the calendar runs parallel to Zhuge Liang of the Three Kingdoms period.

During this blank period Emperor Tenmu learned and mastered astrology and shikisen [式占] divination. The one who imparted this wisdom to him was the era's foremost sorcerer En no Gyoja. He was the founder of Shugendo that later connected to the Kumano Kodo, and his origin lay in a technique of mixing several streams of wisdom in his own way. Through En no Gyoja the pre accession Emperor Tenmu received sorcery, and together they refined the timing for seizing the throne and devoted themselves single mindedly to preparation.

Wielding Onmyoji wisdom, he planned the timing for igniting the civil war, the strategy, and whom to make allies, ignited the war in 672, and won a splendid victory. When Emperor Tenmu's own experience of wielding Onmyodo bound splendidly to his later reign, the world in which the Onmyoji would rise was prepared.

After his accession he led the foundation of an epochal reform that could be called the "great Onmyo age." Modeling on the Tang "Taishikyoku [太史局]” (something like a national astronomical observatory), he established an organ called the Onmyoryo [陰陽寮] to which the class of Onmyodo technicians belonged, built an observatory, and distributed the calendar across the country. This era was in the midst of a rapid expansion of the court's hegemony, and the situation differed from the early period of Buddhism's arrival.

The legal code that contained these was the Asuka Kiyomihara Code promulgated under Emperor Tenmu. Yet this Asuka Kiyomihara Code does not survive, and much of its detail is unclear. In general history it is held that the Taiho Code updated later in 701 was promulgated, and that the implementation of the ritsuryo system Emperor Tenmu had designed was established at this point.

In fact the Taiho Code clearly set out "regulations for the Onmyoji." Yet the original duties of the Onmyoji specialized in senzei sochi [占筮相地], that is, divination and reading the lay of the land, and they started as diviners. At first glance this may not look like much of a reform, but the Taiho Code in fact contained one more. The "divination" that monks had carried since the arrival of Buddhism was forbidden by the court. This was the turning point for the Onmyoji.

On the other hand, before the Taiho Code that came after Emperor Tenmu's death, it is highly likely that the prototype of the Onmyoryo and the Onmyoji had already been born at the stage of his Asuka Kiyomihara Code, and the Taiho Code may be no more than its systematic codification. The one who led the Asuka Kiyomihara Code was Emperor Tenmu, but the one who led the Taiho Code was the fixer of the time Fujiwara no Fuhito (659–720). The four sons of this Fujiwara no Fuhito became the rulers of Heijo-kyo formed in present day Nara from 710 onward and of the Heian-kyo in present day Kyoto that became the great noble age from 794 onward. The wielders of the Onmyoji's power shifted here to the royalty and the nobility, and dwelt in particular in the Fujiwara house. This is precisely why the Onmyoji could rise greatly from the Nara period (710–794) into the Heian period (794-1185).

After the Taiho Code was enacted, under the influence of Fujiwara no Fuhito the monks engaged in divination were returned to lay life one after another and came to belong to the Onmyoryo not as monks but as laymen. Rather than transferring monks under the influence of Buddhism directly into Onmyoji belonging to the Onmyoryo, the state once set them at a distance from the Buddhist framework and then embedded them anew as a national title. This was a policy to check the political influence of a Buddhism that had already begun to hold immense sway over the court, and here the office of "Onmyoji" distinguished from the monk was born. Behind this there may perhaps have been the circumstance that monks and Onmyoji were not distinguished in Emperor Tenmu's time. At this point an existence entirely different from the historical Chinese School of Yin-Yang was born.

In light of this history, the Onmyoji can be positioned as having been born at the moment when the body of monks that took on the ambiguous and fused state of the early Japanese Buddhist era acquired techniques in many directions for survival and propagation, was eventually severed off as a specialized profession, and finally shifted from the shelter of Buddhism to the shelter of the state. This would have been difficult to establish in a country with a strong continental religious consciousness, and it may be called an extremely Japanese character.

With the appearance of the Onmyoji positioned nationally as a class of specialist technicians, the inside and outside of the Onmyoryo were strictly divided. Every person on the outside, from shrine priests and monks down to commoners, was strictly forbidden to study astronomy, the calendar, and the measurement of time, and the removal and private possession of related texts were forbidden as well. The Japanese Onmyodo led under Emperor Tenmu was greatly updated through Fujiwara no Fuhito and gave birth to a matrix that managed it exclusively as a state secret of the Onmyoryo until the early ninth century.

But a question arises here. The Onmyoji born under Emperor Tenmu were certainly important, yet this alone does not seem enough to have given them such power. So what was the true reason they came to hold the power to grasp real authority?

The greatest reason was the enterprise of building the capital city. If the rise of the Onmyoji lay in the national monopoly of divination, what made their position decisive lay in the construction of the capital city that the ritsuryo state brought about. Emperor Tenmu was the first to officially promulgate the ritsuryo system, but it was carried out in earnest in the eras of the next forty first Empress Jito (r. 690–697) and the following forty second Emperor Monmu (r. 697–707). The de facto leader from the era of Empress Jito to Emperor Monmu was Fujiwara no Fuhito.

First, Emperor Tenmu's ritsuryo system was conducted in the place called the Asuka Kiyomihara Palace (672–694). After he died and the era of Empress Jito who acceded in his place began, the influence of Fujiwara no Fuhito became overwhelming, and by his intent the capital was moved to Fujiwara-kyo (694–710) a little to the north of the Asuka Kiyomihara Palace. Empress Jito was Emperor Tenmu's consort, and she too was a sorcerer holding Onmyoji wisdom through En no Gyoja.

Before Fujiwara-kyo, the emperor's palace had the custom of moving with each reign, and there was no clear urban space. From Fujiwara-kyo onward, however, an urban structure of clear orientation appeared, divided north, south, east, and west by straight roads like the squares of a go board. This became a decisive turning point in Japanese history and connected through the following Heijo-kyo (present day Nara) to Heian-kyo (present day Kyoto). What was indispensable to this thought of capital design was the wisdom of the Onmyoji. The roots of Japanese urban design lie here. Their traces are hard to see now, but they are put to use in every major city across Japan.

The room for the Onmyoji to flourish is closely bound to this capital city. In an artificial city without the festivals and taboos rooted in long held land, the daily fortune by the calendar and the directional taboos created the ground to be accepted by the nobles as a new norm of life.

In fact, in 705, four years after the enactment of the Taiho Code, a wooden tablet on which an Onmyoji had selected the auspicious day and hour for a thirty five year old official to report for duty was excavated from the Fujiwara-kyo site. At the same time the rokoku that monks had carried until then passed into the hands of the Onmyoji, and through the time signals the Onmyoryo announced, the very notion of "time" took form. In other words, the Onmyoji supplied what we might call the basic operating software for running the new urban life. This was the first reason they entered the core, and in a sense monks belonging to the strong religious organization of Buddhism would not have had this much executive power. What the age demanded was the Onmyoji unaffiliated with any religious organization.

Behind the Onmyoji gaining power in the same way was their monopoly on dealing with calamity. As the ritsuryo system improved transport and quickened the movement of people, naturally pathogens too moved faster. Fujiwara-kyo had an estimated population of thirty to fifty thousand, and the following Heijo-kyo (present day Nara) was a dense settlement of an estimated hundred thousand, yet its environment was unsanitary with insufficient sewerage. As a result, the epidemic brought in by the envoys to Silla in 737 killed nearly forty percent of the nobles and officials of Heijo-kyo, and a pandemic occurred that destroyed the leadership.

The ninth century was a period of upheaval for the ritsuryo state, and disasters occurred frequently. Silla pirates in particular raided the coast of Kyushu, and society was covered in anxiety. In the midst of this, the presence of the Onmyoji who divined the meaning of every calamity when it struck, sensed its omens, and dealt with it through ritual grew whether anyone willed it or not. This becomes easy to understand if we think that the Onmyoji held the ability to put into language the "unidentifiable anxiety" that the emperors, nobles, monks, shrine priests, and commoners of the time feared. In every era what people fear is anxiety and dread that cannot be put into words, and so the Onmyoji held the technique to answer the demand of this age better than anyone.

Last, what cannot be overlooked is the integration of duties. In the era of Heijo-kyo in the lineage of the Fujiwara golden age that began with Fujiwara no Fuhito, an Onmyoryo reform was carried out while the successor Fujiwara no Nakamaro (706–764) held power. In it the Jugonshi [呪禁師] (a Chinese style spirit doctor who treated illness caused by gods and spirits) was reassigned from the organ to which it had belonged into the Onmyoryo.

This was an integration so that the one who knew the will of the gods and spirits through divination could carry out purification and ritual on the basis of the result. The duties of the Onmyoji thus expanded into three pillars of "divination," "sorcery and ritual," and "the reporting of calendar days and directional taboos," and they became so much a lifeline that the rulers of the capital could not govern without the Onmyoji.

Precisely because this foundation was formed in Nara, in the Heian period after the capital moved to Kyoto the Onmyoji became an absolute and indispensable existence for everyone. As the tenth century began, the class of specialists serving rulers with "the art of yin and yang" came to be called "Onmyodo." This is the birth of Onmyodo.

What rose in the era of Onmyodo's birth were the clans called the Kamo and the Abe. In the structural turning point from the era when the capital stood in Nara to the placing of the capital in Kyoto, an old versus new conflict among the clans tied to the Onmyoji began, and they were eventually replaced by the emerging Kamo and Abe clans. Yet the rise of the Kamo and Abe was chance. The trigger was the great fire of Heian-kyo in 960.

Because it bears on this context, let me set down the basics of the advanced divination techniques born in China. The premise is shikisen [式占].

Shikisen is the general name for divination performed with a tool called the shikiban [式盤], and there are three representative forms. They are the Taiitsu-shiki [太一式] (formally Taiotsu Shinsu [太乙神数]), the Tonko-shiki [遁甲式] (formally Kimon Tonko [奇門遁甲]), and the Rikujin-shiki [六壬式] (formally Rikujin Shinka [六壬神課]).

The basic structure of these three boards is shared, but because each requires its own specialized board they have no compatibility. To put it plainly without the difficult parts, the Rikujin-shiki cannot be divined on a Taiitsu-shiki board, nor the reverse.

The highest god in the yin and yang of ancient China was Taiitsu. This ruling god of the universe was likened to the center of heaven and the polestar, and the Taiitsu-shiki that bore the name of this highest god was used in grave matters of large scale and low frequency such as the fortune of the state and the emperor and military affairs. In both Tang and Japan private possession of the Taiitsu-shiki was forbidden, and it was a divination method of high standing used for especially important matters such as the military. For this reason the board itself was a national treasure and a half sacred monopoly. What attached itself to this were some of the so called Nara period Onmyoji of the old clans.

The Rikujin-shiki by contrast was the mainstay of practical work. Setting its basic structure from the hour and the sexagenary sign of the day, it could finely divine the fortune of two party relations such as self and other or self and thing. It applied widely to frequent everyday questions such as lost objects, the direction of a move, personal fortune, and the choosing of dates, and even now this is the common form when one speaks of shrine divination. This fundamental difference decided fate through a chance event.

What had been used in the court until then was the Taiitsu-shiki, and without the special Taiitsu-shiki board brought from China as a divination tool it could not be carried out. But the Taiitsu-shiki board was lost in the fire, and the Taiitsu-shiki that the old clans excelled at lost its power. From the gap born in the new era, the Rikujin-shiki that had also come from China yet had drawn little attention until then came to be used as a substitute even for important divination, and this worked to the advantage of the emerging Kamo and Abe clans who excelled at it.

For until then what held influence in Onmyodo was the Taiitsu-shiki for divining great events such as the fate of the state, its technique was monopolized by a few, and they looked down on the Rikujin-shiki of everyday use. But once the board indispensable to the Taiitsu-shiki vanished, the old Onmyodo masters were powerless. They held the pride of divining the fate of the state themselves, and so ironically they could not respond to the sudden calamity. What rose here were the emerging Onmyodo clans who held the technique of the Rikujin-shiki. Above all, the old clans could not foresee the coming of a great fire that would decide the fate of the state. This loss of trust inevitably opened the opportunity for the rise of the emerging clans.

The Rikujin-shiki could be used for everyday purposes and did not depend on any particular sacred object. Its board could be substituted, and it had the versatility to answer the diverse consultations of daily life. It goes without saying that this character had a fitness for an urban structure that was growing in scale. The population of Heian-kyo is thought to have been fluid, but it is supposed to have been roughly an estimated fifty to two hundred thousand. Heian-kyo was a city where many people lived, and because it was a fairly peaceful age, demand to resolve worries arose in proportion to the number of people. What was demanded there was not the Taiitsu-shiki usable in unsettled ages but the Rikujin-shiki optimized for everyday use.

Another reason was that the nobles abandoned the eye that saw things in the large world and narrowed their gaze to private self interest. In the fierce noble society of the Heian period, demand for extremely private judgments of fortune such as promotion, relocation, and marriage matches increased explosively, and there was no longer any figure of broad vision who thought of the fate of the state. What matched this demand was the Rikujin-shiki, and here a decisive pair of figures appeared. They were the Onmyoji father and son Kamo no Tadayuki (dates unknown) and Kamo no Yasunori (917–977).

The father Kamo no Tadayuki came from the way of the calendar and was a noble, yet he was known as the foremost Onmyoji of his generation and the sorcerer most trusted by the emperor. His deeds are almost unknown, though one account says he served as head of the Onmyoryo. The eldest son Kamo no Yasunori was an Onmyoji no less excellent than his father. Winning the trust of emperors and nobles, Kamo no Yasunori held in succession the posts of doctor of the calendar and head of the Onmyoryo. He was, so to speak, the grand master of this way.

Beyond the calendar, the decisive moment of the Kamo clan's rise came when the Tendai monk Nichien brought back from China the calendrical method called the Futen calendar [符天暦]. This Futen calendar was a method devised by a Tang astronomer in the latter half of the eighth century, but it was not adopted nationally. Once it reached Japan, however, the Futen calendar was adopted under Kamo no Yasunori in a calendar revision in 958. Standing in the leading position that strengthened control of the way of the calendar, Kamo no Yasunori took up even the post of doctor of astronomy outside his original specialty and expanded his power. Under the Onmyoji Kamo no Yasunori, "calendar" and "astronomy" were integrated.

Here another lineage of Onmyodo appears. It was the disciple Abe no Seimei (921–1005). A dispersed system eventually emerged in which the Kamo clan controlled the way of the calendar and the Abe clan the way of astronomy, but in substance the foundation of Onmyodo control by the two Kamo and Abe clans was built in the latter half of the tenth century, and by the eleventh century the Onmyoji meant the Kamo clan or Abe no Seimei. Here the prototype of the Heian period Onmyoji image we picture was completed.

Both Kamo no Yasunori and Abe no Seimei were emerging specialists skilled in the Rikujin-shiki. Having answered the demand, the two Kamo and Abe clans built a new order that undertook the work of calendar, astronomy, and divination as hereditary family business. In this moment technique was integrated into bloodline, and they became literally irreplaceable and symbolic existences. Once the state let particular clans monopolize that knowledge, the state too could no longer move without them. This was the mechanism by which the Onmyoji sank their roots quietly yet firmly into the core.

Today Onmyodo itself seems to have vanished from the main stage. But if the Onmyoji of that time appeared now, what counsel would they give on seeing the calendrical method fitted to the strange capitalism used in modern society?

When we consider this seemingly meaningless question, we may perhaps glimpse the "true identity of the bondage" that has bound us hand and foot and left us unable to move.