侍の官僚化と日本の近代官僚制Samurai Bureaucracy Fuels Japan's Seamless Modernization

Recently, many countries have increasingly begun to shift toward post-bureaucratic states. In this article, I present a unique perspective regarding Japan’s bureaucratic system, anticipating potential changes influenced by this global trend. The bureaucratic system in Japan emerged from a historical context distinct from Western nations, uniquely taking shape during the Meiji era (1868-1912), following the country’s long period of national isolation. Conventional views typically hold that Japan’s modern bureaucracy was established through complicated imitation of Western bureaucratic models during the Meiji era. However, I am skeptical of this viewpoint. This is because the foundations of modern bureaucracy in Japan were, in fact, already solidly formed during the Edo period (1603-1868), preceding the formal establishment of a modern administrative state. One might wonder who precisely exhibited these bureaucratic characteristics during the Edo period. The answer, perhaps surprisingly, is the samurai.

When we think of samurai, the dominant image is usually of warriors associated with warfare, leading many to view them primarily as a military class. However, the Edo period emerged after a long era of constant warfare among competing samurai factions, resulting in a long-lasting stable system. Tokugawa Ieyasu (徳川家康, 1543-1616) and his Tokugawa clan established a centralized shogunate government (幕府, bakufu) in Edo, while allowing the imperial court to remain in Kyoto. Authority was dispersed among various regional domains (藩, han) to maintain a balanced system of governance. Throughout the Edo period, this arrangement resulted in relatively stable conditions without major wars. But this stability raised a significant problem: the position and role of the samurai. Historically, samurai served as mercenaries for the imperial court, aristocrats, or feudal lords, but with warfare obsolete, opportunities for their traditional role disappeared. Furthermore, the Edo period saw increasing rigidity in social stratification, particularly among the upper classes, leaving samurai who had little direct connection to Tokugawa Ieyasu marginalized.

Yet, the shogunate could not simply ignore the existence of these idle samurai, as leaving them unattended would destabilize its long-term governance. Consequently, various policies were implemented throughout the Edo period to systematically render the samurai politically powerless. In other words, with few exceptions, most samurai during this period became little more than people armed ceremonially with swords. Indeed, historical records indicate that many samurai never actually used their swords throughout their entire lives. As samurai sought new ways to sustain their status and livelihood, they increasingly took on roles such as bodyguards to influential feudal lords, gradually adopting bureaucratic characteristics within the highly sophisticated “Bakufu-Han” governance system. However, instilling bureaucratic discipline in the traditionally aggressive and proud samurai class was not easy. Therefore, Tokugawa Ieyasu turned to a cultural and philosophical solution, adopting a policy of “civil governance” (文治主義) inspired by Chinese Confucian traditions, firmly embedding this ideology throughout the system.

Within each domain, administrative positions such as chief retainers (家老, karo) and magistrates (奉行, bugyo) were systematically established. The samurai class monopolized these political and administrative roles, effectively creating a hereditary bureaucratic system in which samurai performed administrative duties as a ruling class. Philosophically underpinning this bureaucratic rule by samurai was Confucianism (儒学), particularly Zhu Xi’s school of Neo-Confucianism (朱子学), originally imported from China. During the Edo period, Buddhism, which had previously occupied the central philosophical position, was gradually marginalized, and Shinto had similarly declined, prompting the shogunate to seek a new governing ideology. The Tokugawa shogunate found Zhu Xi’s Neo-Confucianism highly suitable for governance due to its strict hierarchical principle, encapsulated in the saying: “Heaven is high and earth low; similarly, people naturally have distinctions such as rulers and subjects (天は尊く地は卑し。人にも君臣の別あり)”—thus clearly legitimizing hierarchical master-subordinate relationships. Recognizing its suitability, the shogunate appointed Hayashi Razan (林羅山, 1583-1657), who was only 23 at the time, as its chief ideological advisor. Subsequently, the Hayashi family (林家) became heads of the official shogunate academy, the Shoheizaka Gakumonjo (昌平坂学問所), thereby establishing Neo-Confucianism as the official ideology of the Tokugawa regime.

Given Japan’s historical context, the adoption of Zhu Xi’s Neo-Confucianism as the ideological foundation of the Tokugawa shogunate can be seen as inevitable. Compared to Buddhism, Shinto, or even other forms of Confucianism, such as the Wang Yangming school (陽明学), the modified Hayashi family’s Neo-Confucianism was best suited to meet the ruling class’s specific governance needs. Indeed, the Hayashi school’s Neo-Confucianism flourished as the official academic doctrine of the shogunate. However, it is crucial to note that while the shogunate strictly enforced adherence to Hayashi Neo-Confucianism among influential families within the bakufu-han system, it allowed considerable intellectual freedom among townspeople and scholars in general—Christianity being the notable exception as strictly prohibited. Over time, Hayashi Neo-Confucianism evolved into the ideological backbone of “Bushido” (武士道, the way of the samurai). In this context, one of the most pivotal figures for understanding the roots of Japan’s modern bureaucracy is Yamaga Soko (山鹿素行, 1622-1685).

Notably, Yamaga Soko’s advocated principle of “Shido” (士道, the way of the samurai) significantly repositioned the samurai’s societal mission, emphasizing that a samurai should act not merely as a courageous warrior but primarily as a moral ruler guiding farmers, artisans, and merchants. In essence, this concept effectively redefined samurai duties from traditional military roles to bureaucratic ones, subordinating them to the shogunate and domain governments, whose responsibility was managing society. Through the widespread adoption of this Confucian ideology, the samurai transitioned from their historically military-oriented identity to individuals embodying “Bunbu Nido” (文武二道, excellence in both literary and martial arts), fostering a distinctive culture that emphasized self-discipline and administrative responsibility. This transformation lies at the core of the “Bushido” spirit.

Thus, from the lineage of “Hayashi Razan to Yamaga Soko,” the samurai gradually assumed an increasingly bureaucratic character over the years. Eventually, when the shogunate reached its governance limits, a new wave of change began to surge, prominently spearheaded by the Choshu Domain (長州藩, roughly today’s Hagi City in Yamaguchi Prefecture). Choshu Domain was one of the most influential domains during the turbulent end of the Edo period and the Meiji Restoration. Inside Choshu, the bureaucratic transformation of samurai was particularly remarkable. Additionally, since the mid-Edo period, Choshu invested heavily in human resource development through its domain school, Meirinkan (明倫館), founded in 1718, which primarily taught Neo-Confucianism. The school’s initial headmaster, Ogura Shosai (小倉尚斎, 1677–1737), and domain lord Mori Yoshimoto (毛利吉元, 1677–1731) were both disciples of the Hayashi family, leading the curriculum to closely follow that of the shogunate’s Shoheizaka Gakumonjo.

Choshu also implemented unique policies to promote talented individuals regardless of social status, even elevating capable people of lower status into the ranks of samurai. This was possible because Choshu was geographically remote from Edo and Kyoto, allowing greater autonomy and fewer restrictions from central authority.

Such forward-thinking approaches by Choshu helped soften the rigid Edo-era class system and broadly facilitated human resource discovery, producing numerous competent individuals from the domain. Notably, key figures who later became central in the Meiji government, such as Ito Hirobumi (伊藤博文, 1841–1909) and Shinagawa Yajiro (品川弥二郎, 1843–1900), were originally from lower-ranking samurai families but flourished through Choshu’s educational systems and private academies. In this context, Yoshida Shoin (吉田松陰, 1830–1859) emerged as Choshu’s most crucial ideological figure. Even today, Yoshida Shoin is revered as a deity-like figure in Yamaguchi Prefecture.

Born into a Choshu samurai family in Hagi, Yoshida Shoin was rigorously trained in the Yamaga school (“Yamaga-ryu,” 山鹿流)—a military and administrative philosophy founded by Yamaga Soko—under his adoptive uncle. After his uncle’s death, Shoin continued his education at another uncle’s academy, Shoka Sonjuku (松下村塾). Remarkably, at the age of nine, Shoin became an instructor at Meirinkan in military strategy, and by eleven, his talents had already been recognized and highly praised by the domain lord. Although fundamentally trained in military science (“Heigaku,” 兵学), it is critical to acknowledge that Yamaga Soko’s bureaucratic ideology deeply influenced Shoin. Under Shoin’s leadership, Shoka Sonjuku opened its doors widely, regardless of social class, educating lower-ranking samurai and even commoners in politics and administration, fully aligned with the domain’s policy.

Within this de facto elimination of class boundaries in Choshu Domain, a critical opportunity arose for Yamagata Aritomo (山縣有朋, 1838–1922), born into the lowest samurai class, which ordinarily prevented his admission to the domain school. At that time, Yoshida Shoin, who held radical ideological views, publicly managed Shoka Sonjuku while secretly teaching his students revolutionary ideologies aimed at overthrowing the Tokugawa shogunate. Leveraging his military expertise, Shoin instilled the belief that it was justified to eliminate opponents if necessary for their goals—effectively transforming the academy into a training center for revolutionary militants. Shoin himself was executed at the age of 29 due to his radical beliefs. However, his ideologically indoctrinated followers from Choshu fiercely opposed the shogunate, especially after his execution, openly embracing the ideology of an imperial restoration and actively leading movements to topple the Tokugawa regime. Thus, at this juncture, lower-ranking samurai from Choshu possessed bureaucratic characteristics coupled with a concealed militant nature, setting fertile ground for their future prominence in establishing Japan’s modern government following the shogunate’s collapse.

Among Choshu officials who occupied key positions in the new Meiji government, while Ito Hirobumi famously became Japan’s first Prime Minister, a figure emerged who arguably left an even deeper, lasting impact on modern Japan: Yamagata Aritomo himself. Indeed, it was Yamagata who effectively laid the foundations of Japan’s modern bureaucratic state.

Through this historical overview, we can clearly see why Japan’s transition to a modern bureaucratic system was remarkably smooth. Fundamentally, this smoothness was deeply linked to the prior bureaucratic transformation of samurai during the Edo period. Thus, while referencing Western modern bureaucracies, Japan developed its distinct bureaucratic state. Ironically, however, this robust bureaucratic dominance later caused numerous issues, and—perhaps unexpectedly—it deeply connects to the post-World War II rise of the yakuza.

In future articles, we shall explore these connections in greater detail.