ヤクザの源流（2）：ごろつきから近代ヤクザへFrom Outlaws to Modern Yakuza

Previously, we explored the intriguing roots of Japan’s yakuza through the lens of folklorist Shinobu Orikuchi (折口信夫, 1887–1953), examining how early outlaws known as “gorotsuki” (ごろつき) survived turbulent periods in Japanese history. But how exactly did these groups manage to persist through the upheaval of the late Edo period and the Meiji Restoration (1868), eventually becoming the driving force behind the formation of modern Japan’s yakuza society? This article delves deeper into that question.

Historically, Japan was home to groups of itinerant individuals living at the periphery of settled village communities, known as “burai” or “buraikan” (無頼／無頼漢), who maintained significant cultural influence while roaming mountainous regions. However, their absence from official historical narratives often makes their realities difficult to grasp. Orikuchi was among the first to highlight how, up to the Sengoku (Warring States) period, samurai leaders actively employed these “gorotsuki” as mercenaries, revealing their critical importance during the era when warlords competed for national unification. Previously on Shitsurae, I pointed out the necessity for samurai leaders to ally with merchant classes, notably those from the city of Sakai in Osaka Prefecture, to achieve unification. Another crucial factor was their ability to recruit and manage groups of “gorotsuki.” In essence, warlords who effectively incorporated these groups laid the groundwork for what would become the yakuza.

However, after Tokugawa Ieyasu (徳川家康) unified Japan and established the Edo period (1603–1868), he shifted the foundations of governance away from military might toward academic revival and fostering merchant-class prosperity. Consequently, the activities of the “gorotsuki” became severely restricted, as the shogunate and local daimyo aimed to maintain social order by strictly suppressing these groups. Forced to adapt to survive, these individuals transformed themselves variously into “geinosha” (芸能者, traveling entertainers), “baishokugyo” (売色業, prostitutes and their patrons), “bakuto” (博徒, gamblers) and “kyokaku” (侠客, chivalrous figures), and “kuchiireya” (口入屋, employment brokers).

According to Orikuchi, although marginalized from official history, “gorotsuki” cultivated unique moral codes and networks within common society, becoming an integral part of Japan’s cultural fabric and thus a crucial element to consider when analyzing the undercurrents of ordinary life. Especially important is the period of unrest in the late Edo era.

During this time, widespread famines, natural disasters, and social upheaval left many unable to sustain themselves, resulting in their exclusion from “ninbetsucho” (人別帳, official population registers) and their subsequent classification as “mushuku / mushuku-mono” (無宿者, persons without fixed residence). Particularly prevalent in rural farming villages severely affected by such disasters, these “mushuku” became difficult for authorities to control. The Tokugawa shogunate, long accustomed to political stability, struggled to implement effective measures, at times tacitly allowing former criminals to reintegrate into society. Consequently, a segment of these unsettled “mushuku” gradually drifted into outlaw groups like “tozoku” (盗賊, thieves) and “bakuto”. This trend intensified from the 18th century onward, with bands of “mushuku” setting up gambling dens, eventually evolving into armed “bakuto.”

These “bakuto”, engaged in illegal activities, adopted weaponry for self-defense and embraced “ninkyodo” (任侠道) as a source of pride. They established hierarchical, family-like structures based on pseudo-parental “oyabun-kobun” (親分・子分) relationships, forming “ikka” (一家, precursors to modern yakuza syndicates) that ran gambling dens within their territories under their own laws. By the early 19th century, these networks of “bakuto” and “kyokaku” had spread nationwide, becoming romanticized heroes among common people as defenders of the weak against the strong, thus gaining significant popularity among those dissatisfied with the existing regime. Some openly opposed the ruling authorities, especially when the government ignored farmers’ hardships, notably providing aid during famines and consequently gaining substantial trust among ordinary citizens. They were neither mere villains nor pure social evils. It is at this juncture that those tracing their roots to the “gorotsuki” began to rise once again in a new era.

Toward the Bakumatsu period (1853-1868), as the shogunate’s authority declined and the “Sonno-joi movement” (尊王攘夷, Revere the Emperor, Expel the Barbarians) led by lower-ranked samurai destabilized public order, the country fractured into pro-shogunate and anti-shogunate factions, each turning to outlaws for support. Previously armed with only short swords, these outlaw groups now acquired firearms, becoming militarized chivalrous organizations. Both sides found common interests with these groups, aligning with them as effective combat forces amid the turmoil.

Ultimately, anti-shogunate forces led by the Choshu (Yamaguchi prefecture) and Satsuma (Kagoshima prefecture) domains triumphed, dismantling the Tokugawa shogunate and establishing the Meiji government in 1868. Mirroring early Edo strategies, the new regime swiftly targeted “mushuku” and “bakuto” in efforts to reinforce central authority and public order. Notably, around 1884, amid rising sentiments from the Freedom and People’s Rights Movement (自由民権運動), impoverished peasants frequently revolted against the government, with “bakuto” leaders joining and sometimes heading these uprisings. The Chichibu Incident (秩父事件, 1884), a significant peasant and former-samurai rebellion in Saitama Prefecture against the government, was led by Eisuke Tashiro (田代栄助), a kyokaku boss commanding over 200 followers. Motivated by a strong sense of justice to aid the weak, Tashiro confronted the government alongside local farmers.

Though numerous chivalrous figures sided with the common people, the government executed them as criminal murderers rather than political rebels, effectively erasing their existence. In the same year, the Meiji government suddenly enacted the “Gambling Offenses Regulation,” launching a nationwide crackdown on gamblers. This campaign devastated the outlaw forces that had flourished since the late Edo period, forcing the disappearance of these influential “bakuto” from the official historical record. Indeed, their presence is conspicuously absent from formal Japanese histories.

Yet from the mid-Meiji period onward, surviving chivalrous individuals, though seemingly erased from public view, found new avenues to engage with society. Following the suppression of the Freedom and People’s Rights Movement, the ruling government strategically utilized the violent capabilities of these chivalrous figures for political purposes, marking a significant turning point. This exploitation became the root cause of modern yakuza’s deep entanglement with politics. Notably, during the second general election for the House of Representatives in 1892, Prime Minister Masayoshi Matsukata’s government orchestrated widespread electoral interference to maintain its power, mobilizing a large number of yakuza. These yakuza violently disrupted pro-democracy gatherings, causing chaos that resulted in 25 deaths and 388 injuries across the nation. Prominently involved in mobilizing these groups was Mitsuru Toyama (頭山満, 1855–1944), who would subsequently become a central figure in Japan’s pre-war right-wing political landscape.

In the next article, I will further explore the origins of modern yakuza.